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Posts: 5,100
Reply with quote  #1 
In the last two decades, the term "national conservative" have come into use to describe a brand of conservatism that is, by modern standards, decidedly reactionary in social and cultural values combined with a strong defence of national interest and identity. Moreover, national conservatives tend to be suspicious of economic libralism and globalisation. The term has sometimes been used to describe right-wing populist parties in Western Europe who favour tougher immigration policies, but many of these don't particularly fit the label. National conservatism appears to be more commonly found in Eastern Europe and even outside Europe.

But what is it? Is "national conservatism" simply another term for traditionalism, or a conservative brand of nationalism, or nationalist brand of conservatism? Is it indistinguishable from the counterrevolutionary currents of thought, from High Toryism or paleoconservatism? Or is it very much a modern phenomenon drawing upon inspiration, at least in part, from these particular strains of conservatism.

In Europe, two of the most successful "national conservative" parties are Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) and Hungary's Fidesz. In the Balkan nations, Slovakia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia and Armenia, there are numerous parties describing themselves as such. In Armenia, the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (HHK) is described as such. Beyond the purview of Europe, the largest Maronite-based parties in Lebanon, Lebanese Forces and Kataeb (Phalange), as well as the Panameñista Party in Panama, are often considered expressions of such an ideology. And it is easy to sympathise, as a Catholic, with Law and Justice, Fidesz and Kataeb.

Here in Australia, the various "minor" right-wing parties have attempted to cater to such an agenda but Katter's Australian Party have become the most prominent of these in such a short time. The Democratic Labor Party (DLP) with its Christian values and strongly economic nationalist policies, might also be included.

It is in Britain that such a party is badly needed, whether the UKIP can successfully fill that role or not remains to be seen. But such a party would at least identify with High Tory principles, rejecting both the liberal economics of Thatcher onwards and the liberal social and cultural mores promoted since the 1960s, in a bid to restore health and vitality to the nation.

The challenge of the question of national conservatism is its relationship to religion and monarchy. Most national conservative parties, for one, are emphatically defending the traditional religion of their homeland (as mentioned above). In Israel, parties such as The Jewish Home (representing the Mizrachi strain of Religious Zionism, which became known as the Mafdal or National Religious Party) and Shas, which represents Sephardic and Oriental Jews, fit this description with their adherence both to religious conservatism and Israeli nationalism. This is rather distinct from the Agudat Israel/United Torah Judaism which represents an even more traditionalist form of Jewish religious thought, namely Ashkhenazi Haredis. It reflects a certain tension between modern Zionism and Jewish traditionalism that existed from the early days of the movement and persists in Israel (and to an extent in Jewish communities worldwide) today.

National conservatism can also describe Hindu nationalist parties in India and Nepal, the latter being monarchist and earning sympathy from the former.

Posts: 858
Reply with quote  #2 
The examples you name are clearly not indistinguishable from counterrevolutionary thoughts. Fidesz isn't a monarchist party (removing the word 'republic' from your countries name and then remaining a republic is, in fact, a bad thing in my eyes - if you are a republic at least be honest enough to say so), but a party mainly busy to give more and more power to its leader.  

Posts: 5,100
Reply with quote  #3 
However it may be interpreted, at least Viktor Orban has taken a defiant stand against the trends the EU encourages. This makes him a "figure of hope" for many on the Right who want to turn the tide of PC, liberalism and globalisation.
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